Society in Russia when Nicholas II became Tsar predominantly peasant based.  Indeed, almost 80% of the population were peasants.  Most peasants were extremely poor, illiterate, subsistence farmers. Peasants could not leave the village to find other work without permission from the commune.

Modernisation of farming was essential to the stability and development of the Russian economy; improved productivity was needed to be able to feed the Russian people and to export for foreign currency.  However, many peasants still used strip- farming methods and old tools such as wooden ploughs and this led to low production.  In the south and south-west farmers did better with the Kulaks buying and renting land from the nobles and bringing in new crops and machinery.

Nevertheless there was considerable peasant discontent, particularly during times of famine.  The Tsar used the army to crush risings in the countryside.

The Workers

Just over 10% of the population were urban workers although their numbers were growing by 1900 with the expansion of the railways, mines and industries.  Wages were low and working and living conditions squalid.  There was deep resentment towards these conditions and treatment by employers. 

Many workers were literate and began to read revolutionary materials that offered radical solutions to their exploitation.  Russian industry tended to be concentrated in vast factories and mines and with thousands of men and women in close proximity. The workers began to organise themselves to protest and lead strikes.

Middle classes

There was a very small but growing middle class of bankers, merchants and industrialists (less than 1% of the population). Lawyers, doctors and teachers and other professionals began to play roles in local government.  Liberal ideas were increasingly attractive to this class which promoted democracy and civil liberties. 

A proportion of this class were very wealthy and also believed that this economic power should allow them to have representation in government to protect and lobby for its rights.

Nationalities

Many nationalities within the empire resented Russian control.  In attempt to 'pacify' these territories the Tsars had pursued a policy of Russification where ethnic Russians were settled in the regions and the Russian language was imposed.  Russians were brought in to govern these areas and there was widespread resentment of the suppression of national identity, culture and religion, for example in Polish parts of the empire. 

Aristocracy

Political power was held by the Tsar and his ministers and there was no democratic representation.  There was a rigid class system with the aristocracy at the top and the workers and peasants at the bottom. Nobility made up 1% of the the population but owned 25% of land.  Most nobles  lived most of the time in Moscow or St Petersburg rather than on their estates in the countryside. 

Some had roles in the Tsar's government; others as commanders in the armed forces.  By the turn of the 20th century many nobles began to sell off their land and move to the cities.

Nature of the state

Tsarist regime was autocratic and the Tsar was an 'absolute' ruler with total power over his subjects.  There were three core principles underpinning his rule - autocracy, orthodoxy and nationality.  His noble advisors and his cabinet of minister that ran the day to day affairs of the nation reported to the Tsar and had to follow his instructions. 

This huge empire with diverse ethnicities, nationalities, religions and languages complicated the rule;  regions had their own governors. 

The regime was repressive and opposition was not tolerated:

• political parties were banned
• all newspapers, books and publications were heavily censored
• gatherings of more than 12 people had to have police permission
• secret police - Okhrana - sought out opponents and dissidents
• those deemed opponents of the state, for example strike organisers could be imprisoned or exiled to Siberia
• the army was sent in to put down demonstrations and protests

You have already read about the growth of Liberal opposition and about populism and The People's Will. By 1905 two new distinct political groups had emerged: the Social Revolutionaries and the Social Democrats.

The Social Revolutionaries had grown out of the Populist movement. It was a loosely knit group which whose main policy involved distributing land to the peasants. This would follow a peasant-led popular rising which they hoped would overthrow the Tsarist government and establish a democratic republic. Before 1905 the SRs carried out many assassinations. The SRs also attracted urban workers (many of whom were ex-peasants) and intellectuals.

The Social Democrats based their beliefs on Karl Marx. Marx maintained that history always followed the path of 'class struggle' which ended up with the proletariat overthrowing the bourgeoisie and establishing a 'dictatorship of the proletariat'. Once all class enemies of the workers had been destroyed, conflict would end and there would be no need for a controlling government; society would be made up of people who were equal and who worked 'according to their ability' and lived 'according to their needs'. However the Social Democrats which were formed in 1898 then split into two groups at the Second Party Congress in 1903, the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks.

Economic issues

Sergei Witte was Finance Minister from 1892 to 1903. He put a lot of emphasis on increasing the railways, doubling the amount of state investment and doubling the amount of railway track in Russia. This was to help develop those industries associated with the railways, and to improve communications. However industry also needed massive state investment including expensive machinery which could only come from other European countries. To get the money for this he negotiated foreign loans and also increased taxation, both the state taxation and the taxation on essential items such as salt and kerosene. This hit the peasants hard. However the urban workers were also affected as their wages were kept low to enable as much money as possible to go towards industrial investment. Unfortunately, an international economic slump in 1902 meant that there was no market abroad for Russian goods and as the peasants and urban workers were unable to buy the goods due to being so poor, the manufacturing industry suffered and many workers lost their jobs. In addition, there were bad harvests in 1900 and 1902 which produced desperation in the peasants who were already suffering form Witte's taxation. There were widespread riots and disturbances which were put down by force.

The Russo-Japanese War 1904-5

Hoping to divert attention away from the economic crisis at home, Nicholas decided to start a war with the Japanese where Russian expansionist ambitions in Korea and Manchuria were being threatened by the Japanese.

The war however created more economic misery; shortages of food and rising prices. In addition, Russia was humiliated by Japanese victories at land and sea over the Russian army and navy. Anger was directed against the government because of its incompetence and there were growing demands for reform.

The growing tension within Russia burst into revolution following the events of Bloody Sunday where the Tsar's troops fired on protesters in St Petersburg.

Watch the following excerpt from the movie Nicholas and Alexander which shows the events of Bloody Sunday before moving on to the next task:

You will have seen that the workers were appealing for representation and the Tsar's help. 

The 1905 Revolution went on for most of the year and consisted of a series of strikes, demonstrations, petitions, political meetings, mutinies. It involved workers, students, teachers, doctors, civil servants, sailors, national minorities. The demands of the different groups included representative government and civil rights (liberals), independence (Finns and the Poles), equal civil rights (Jews), improved working conditions (urban workers). In many cities soviets were established - these were councils of workers; the most important of these was the St. Petersburg soviet. The climax of opposition came with a general strike in October.

The 1905 Revolution went on for most of the year and consisted of a series of strikes, demonstrations, petitions, political meetings, mutinies. It involved workers, students, teachers, doctors, civil servants, sailors, national minorities. The demands of the different groups included representative government and civil rights (liberals), independence (Finns and the Poles), equal civil rights (Jews), improved working conditions (urban workers). In many cities soviets were established - these were councils of workers; the most important of these was the St. Petersburg soviet. The climax of opposition came with a general strike in October.

The government was forced to carry out a number of concessions which included the October Manifesto which appeased the liberals, and he also agreed to end the redemption payments of the peasants. However, force was also used. With the soldiers returning home from the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II was able to crush the soviets in the cities and bring the countryside under his control.

The government was forced to carry out a number of concessions which included the October Manifesto. The October Manifesto had been resisted by the Tsar but he gave in to his minister Sergei Witte's plan which was proclaimed across Russian in the churches.  The Manifesto promised basic civil rights and an elected parliament - the Duma which would have to approve all new laws. 

The October Manifesto appeased the liberals, and he also agreed to end the redemption payments of the peasants (these were payments in return for emancipation from 'Serfdom' granted in 1861).

However, force was also used. With the soldiers returning home from the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II was able to crush the Soviets in the cities and bring the peasant uprisings in the countryside under his control.

The Tsar also survived the 1905 Revolution due to the limitations of the opposition:

• The opposition lacked unity. The different social groups, liberals, workers, peasants all had different aims.
• No revolutionary leaders emerged to provide direction or cohesion.
• Many of the protests aimed only for concessions rather than revolutionary change of government
• The liberals were not interested in a Marxist style revolution and were happy to accept the October Manifesto and bring an end to violent unrest
• Liberals, the middle classes and other moderates feared the scale of the revolt with one liberal declaring: 'thank God for the Tsar who has saved us from the people'
• The regime used right-wing forces, known as Black Hundreds, who were keen to preserve the monarchy, to attack different groups, in particular Poles, Finns and Jews

The years between 1906 and 1914 have been interpreted in different ways by historians. Some historians, 'the optimists', claim that social political and economic developments within Russia indicate that it was evolving into a more modern and broadly based state. Thus it was only the devastating impact of the First World War that brought about its collapse.

Conversely, the 'pessimists' argue that the lack of any substantial change by the Tsar towards his style of government combined with the continual repression and growing industrial unrest indicate that Russia was already on the brink of revolution in 1914. Thus the war only delayed the impending revolution. 

As well as the October Manifesto, the Tsar replaced Sergei Witte with Potyr Stolypin as his key minister.  He had impressed Nicholas II as the governor of the only region to remain peaceful during the revolution in 1905. 

Stolypin would go on to dominate the Russian government between 1906 and 1911

He supported the Tsarist regime and opposed revolution and disorder. Initially, he set up courts to crush the peasants risings in 1906

In the end, around 60 000 political prisoners were executed - the hangman's noose became known as 'Stolypin's necktie'

BUT

Stolypin also believed in reform.  Unlike Witte, he urged for reform in agriculture as well as industry.  His key reform aimed to increase agricultural productivity - to avoid the disastrous cycles of famine and politically aimed to create a loyal wealthier middle class peasant.

Political Reforms

Stolypin was prepared to work with the Duma (particularly with the liberal Octobrists) but only on his own terms.  However, when the Duma would not support him (see below), he changed the electoral system - Liberals call this 'Stoylpin's coup d'etat'.  Furthermore, when subsequently he could not get measures passed - he used Article 87 of Fundamental Laws to pass emergency laws.

First Duma 1906

• Hostile to the Tsar
• Demanded freedom of speech and assembly
• Tsar dissolved the Duma

Second Duma 1907

• More radical than First - more left wing representatives
• Known as 'The Duma of National Anger'
• Only lasted 3 months before it was also dissolved

Third Duma 1907 - 1912

• Stolypin changed electoral system to favour upper classes
• Workers and peasants almost excluded
• Representatives of Nationalities also significantly reduced
• Stolypin then had an issue from the conservative and right wing groups against his social and economic reform policies
• In 1911 - Stolypin wanted to introduce zemstvos to make local governments more democratic in western provinces but landlords in the Duma opposed this.  To get his measure through he suspended both houses of the Duma - this alienated all members including the Octobrists that had supported him.

Fourth Duma 1912 - 1914

• Some reform attempted - to Orthodox Church and law on universal education
• Critical of the massacre at the Lena Gold Mines in 1912
• Some liberals were concerned that political situation by the end of 1913 was similar to 1905
• Sitting when war broke out in 1914
• Supported the war and suspended itself
• After initial military defeats Duma pressured Tsar to recall it in July 1915
• Met in 1915 and 1916
• Offered Tsar last opportunity to move to constitutional government

Agriculture

Stolypin's key reforms were in agriculture.  To create a wealthy peasant class who would be invested in the status quo and the regime as property owners with civil rights.  These efficient and effective peasants would radically improve yield and productivity

The reforms set down that:

1. Peasant could leave the mir, consolidate their strips of land and build a farmhouse and out buildings
2. A land bank was set up to help peasants buy land
3. Schemes to resettle peasants in Siberia after the construction of the Trans-Siberian railroad

Success

• Great success in Ukraine and Belorussia
• Marked increase in production between 1909 and 1914
• Investment in agricultural machinery rose by 9% up to 1914
• Grain production increased at 2.1% per annum - ahead of population growth at 1.5%
• Became the largest exporter of cereals in the world

Failure

• By 1914 only 10% lived on own farms
• Those that left with mir were seen as traitors
• Increase in production not due to Stolypin's reforms but environmental factors - good weather for harvests
• Focus on grain production led to failure of growth in livestock
• Landless peasants moved into the cities and became industrial workers
• Thousands returned from Siberia resentful as the land had proved to be too difficult

The industrial sector

Success

• Growth 6% per year after 1907
• Russia 4th biggest producer of coal, pig iron and steel by 1914
• Baku oil fields one of largest producers in world
• Focus on heavy industry and oil due to government's focus on armaments
• Growing internal market led to growth in consumer good production
• Large modern plants employing 1000 workers

Failure

• Remained reliant on state sponsorship through government contracts
• Still using foreign borrowing
• Proportion of consumer good produced fell pre-1914
• Per capita output half that of Austria-Hungary
• Gap in industrial productivity between Russian and Germany grew by 1914
• Growing militant strikes between 1912 and 1914
• In July 1914 there was a general strike
• Students supported the strikes

In September 1911, after a number of assassination attempts, Stolypin was shot dead in Kiev.  His assassin, Dmitry Bogrov's motives are unclear; it has been claimed that the murder was revenge for anti-semitism in the Russian empire, but Bogrov was a member of the Social Revolutionaries and an informant for the states Okhrana so his real motive remains unclear.

Historian Richard Pipes commented that: 'Stolypin stood head and shoulders above his immediate predecessors and successors in that he combined a vision of the desirable with a sense of the possible; he was a rare blend of statesman and politician'.

Stolypin had provided for private land ownership for, albeit a small proportion, of the peasants.  He had attempted to modernize the Russian economy and had wanted to work with a stable conservative Duma.

However, he was also an ardent monarchist and aimed to strengthen the Tsarist regime rather than democracy.  There was a significant increase in revolutionary activity and his response was a new system of martial law.