| Date | May 2021 | Marks available | 9 | Reference code | 21M.1.BP.TZ0.12 |
| Level | Both SL and HL | Paper | Paper 1 - first exams 2017 | Time zone | TZ0 |
| Command term | Evaluate | Question number | 12 | Adapted from | N/A |
Question
Source I Benito Mussolini, Italian Prime Minister, in a speech delivered during a state visit to Germany (29 September 1937).
Fascism and Nazism express the parallel historical situations which link the life of our nations …
The Rome–Berlin Axis is not directed at other states, because we, Nazis and Fascists alike, want peace and are always ready to work for a real fruitful [productive] peace which does not ignore but resolves the problems of the coexistence of peoples …
Not only have Nazism and Fascism everywhere the same enemies who serve the same masters, the Third International, but they share many conceptions of life and history. Both believe in violence as a force determining the life of peoples, as a dynamo [driving force] of their history, and hence reject the doctrines of the so-called historical materialism and their political and philosophical by-products. Both of us exalt at [glorify] work in its countless manifestations as the sign of nobility of man; both of us count on youth, from which we demand the virtues of discipline, courage, tenacity and patriotism.
[Source: Griffin, R., Fascism, Introduction, selection and editorial matter © Rodger Griffin 1995, Reproduced with permission of the Licensor through PLSclear.]
Source J Paul Ordner, a French artist, depicts Hitler and Mussolini in the cartoon “Les Semeurs” (The Sowers) for the French satirical magazine Le Rire (28 April 1939). The caption reads “What will the harvest be!”
[Source: Ordner, P., 1939. Les Semeurs. Chronicle / Alamy Stock Photo.]
Source L Reynolds M Salerno, an historian specializing in international history, writing in the book Vital Crossroads: Mediterranean Origins of the Second World War, 1935–1940 (2002).
Hitler’s determination to rearm and to revise the terms of [the Treaty of] Versailles inspired Mussolini to revitalize Fascist foreign policy and to reconsider his strategy for imperial expansion. He wanted to integrate Fascist Italy’s ideological motives with its strategic objectives. Although Fascist Italy retained its strategic and economic interests in southern and east-central Europe, Mussolini increasingly appreciated that an extensive Italian empire in the greater Mediterranean region could exist alongside a German-dominated continent but would directly conflict with British and French vital interests. The possibility of becoming a strategic and ideological partner with Nazi Germany, which could challenge Britain and France to the north and help Italy achieve its imperial ambitions to the south, steadily encouraged Mussolini …
As Nazi Germany had influenced Fascist foreign policy, Italy’s Mediterranean ambitions motivated a reconsideration of German strategy. The basis of Hitler’s foreign policy was the concept of a central European economic bloc with Germany at its core. Mussolini’s Mediterranean ambitions and willingness to challenge Britain and France worked to Germany’s strategic advantage: an Anglo-French-Italian tension or conflict in the Mediterranean would facilitate Germany’s military conquest of Central and Eastern Europe. For this strategic reason as well as the close ideological affinities [connections] between German National Socialism and Italian Fascism, Hitler supported and demonstrated extraordinary loyalty to Mussolini before and during the war.
[Source: Adapted from Vital Crossroads: Mediterranean Origins of the Second World War, 1935–1940, by Reynolds M. Salerno, published by Cornell University Press. Copyright © 2002 by Cornell University.]
Using the sources and your own knowledge, evaluate the influence of ideology on the foreign policies of Italy and Germany.
Markscheme
Apply the markbands that provide the “best fit” to the responses given by candidates and award credit wherever it is possible to do so. The following material is an indication of what candidates may elect to write about in their responses. It is neither prescriptive nor exhaustive and no set answer is required. While it is expected that there will be coverage of at least two of the sources, candidates are not required to refer to all four sources in their responses.
Indicative content
Source I This source states Fascist and Nazi foreign policies shared ideological principles. However, it also mentions the existence of common enemies as a factor influencing their foreign policies.
Source J This source represents the significance of force in Italian and German foreign policies. It is consistent with the importance given to it by Fascist and Nazi ideologies.
Source L The source states Germany and Italy had a significant ideological affinity. It also mentions the role of other factors, such as strategy, in shaping their foreign policies. It claims their territorial ambitions were not incompatible.
Own knowledge Candidates may provide additional information on the role of ideology in Italian and German foreign policies. For example, they both supported General Franco’s Fascist forces and opposed the Left during the Spanish Civil War.
Candidates may refer to the Nazi–Soviet Pact of August 1939 and claim that it showed ideology was not a significant factor for Hitler. They may argue that relations between Italy and Germany were also based on pragmatism as Hitler recognised Italian control of Abyssinia to gain Mussolini’s support for the German annexation of Austria. They could also refer the Anglo–Italian agreement in April 1938 and claim it demonstrated Mussolini’s lack of concern for ideology. Candidates may discuss the role of opportunism and argue that Hitler allied with Mussolini only to prevent him from joining Great Britain and France. In a similar way, Italy found in an alliance with Germany protection for its continental territory and an opportunity to expand in Africa and the Mediterranean.
Examiners report
It was again pleasing to find that the majority of candidates offered a response with some development for the fourth question. There was also continuity with previous sessions in that most responses were focused on the set question and had some reference to the sources to develop and support the analysis. For example, for Q12 many candidates effectively used the sources to argue that ideology played a key role and also evaluated other factors at play in influencing the foreign policies of Italy and Germany. For Q16 candidates also developed coherent arguments evaluating the effectiveness of non-violence in the African American struggle for civil rights. Nevertheless, as suggested earlier in this report, there were a sizeable proportion of candidates that seemed to have allowed too little time to develop an extended response. There were also a number of responses that lacked focus on the question, for example for Q12 rather than focusing on foreign policy, a few candidates discussed the influence of ideology on domestic policies. As with previous sessions, some responses tended to list the content of the sources without engaging with an analysis of the question. Many candidates did not synthesize knowledge of the case study into their response whereas a small minority wrote entirely from their own knowledge and did not refer to the sources.
