| Date | November 2016 | Marks available | 8 | Reference code | 16N.1s3a.BP.TZ0.4 |
| Level | Both SL and HL | Paper | Paper 1 (Communism in crisis 1976–89) - last exams 2016 | Time zone | TZ0 |
| Command term | Examine | Question number | 4 | Adapted from | N/A |
Question
Source A
David Goodman, a British professor of Chinese politics, writing in an academic book, Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution: A Political Biography (1994).
For the most part those who joined in Democracy Movement activities [in 1978] considered themselves loyal to the party but thought they had approval to call for democracy, since that was indeed a key word at the 3rd plenum [meeting of the Central Committee]. There were, however, one or two demonstrators and wall-posters that challenged the CCP’s [Chinese Communist Party’s] monopoly of political power, and even Deng Xiaoping [Teng Hsiao-p’ing] himself.
Deng’s reaction was swift in defining the new “socialist democracy”. At the party’s conference at the end of March 1979 Deng outlined the “Four cardinal principles” … Anything which challenged any of these four would immediately be regarded as beyond the permitted boundaries.
Source B
Chen Yizi [Ch’en I-tzu], a former political advisor to the Chinese government, writing in an academic article, “The Decision Process Behind the 1986–1989 Political Reforms” (1995).
Through 1986, discussion of political reform took place only internally and was not allowed to develop into a broad public discussion. People who heard that the effort was under way became discontented that these reforms did not proceed more quickly and democratization did not progress further. Students … became increasingly vocal in expressing their discontent with the many problems accompanying the reform programme, such as inflation and continuing lack of freedom of speech and of the press. At the end of the year, the students took to the streets … the movement was soon suppressed.
During this period, reformist leaders such as Hu Yaobang [Hu Yao-pang] and Zhao Ziyang [Chao Tzu-yang] were attacked by the conservatives for their tolerant attitude towards
Source C
Peter Calvocoressi, a history author, writing in a general book on world history, World Politics, 1945–2000 (2009)
In 1989 Hu Yaobang [Hu Yao-pang] died. His funeral was made the occasion for massive demonstrations in which students from Beijing’s universities were especially prominent, voicing protests against the slow pace of change, economic failure and persistent corruption. They were joined by discontented intellectuals and by workers, and suddenly they were making a big impact not only in the capital but also in some 80 other cities all over China. They posed a threat, not necessarily to the Communist Party, but to its elderly ruling clique [elite]. To Deng [Teng], however, and to others of his generation these two threats were indistinguishable and amounted also to a threat to China itself. Deng equated the Party with the revolution it had made, and the revolution with China. Anybody who opposed the Party was therefore a traitor to his country. Zhao Ziyang [Chao Tzu-yang] … took a sympathetic and apologetic line but behind the scenes his more conservative adversaries [rivals] persuaded Deng to their side.
Source D
An article entitled “We must unequivocally [decisively] oppose unrest”, published in an official Chinese newspaper, People’s Daily (26 April 1989).
In the mourning activities commemorating the death of Hu Yaobang [Hu Yao-pang], vast numbers of … workers, peasants, intellectuals, People’s Liberation Army soldiers and young students expressed their grief in many forms … The Party and the government adopted a tolerant and restrained attitude toward some of the inappropriate words and deeds of those young students who acted in moments of emotional distress … But a tiny handful of people continued to take advantage of the grief of the students …
This tiny handful of people are not really engaged in mourning Comrade Hu Yaobang. Their goal is not to promote socialist democracy in China nor are they simply complaining because they are dissatisfied. They are waving the flag of democracy to destroy democracy and law and order …
Therefore the Party and the people should unite and oppose this turmoil in order to defend our hardearned political harmony and unity, to protect the constitution, and to defend socialist democracy and law and order.
Source E
Chai Ling, a student leader of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, makes a speech to the assembled crowds at Tiananmen Square.
Using the sources and your own knowledge, examine the extent of political change in the People’s Republic of China between 1978 and 1989.
Markscheme
Source material
Source A There is some sense that the Party was opening up to limited democratic principles. However, this was limited as Deng announced “Four Cardinal Principles”, which defined the parameters of political reform in China.
Source B Suggests that there was some discussion regarding political reform in 1986 internally but this was not allowed to develop into a public discussion. Student demonstrations were put down. The leaders that favoured more reform were attacked by conservatives within the Party. Hu was removed from his position. Therefore, political changed was limited.
Source C Zhao had some sympathy for the demands of the students in 1989. However, Deng and the conservatives viewed the calls for more political freedoms as a threat not only to the Party but also to China itself. The ruling elite felt threatened, which was a reason for limiting political reform.
Source D Demonstrations in 1989 went beyond what the Party would tolerate and were condemned as an attempt to destroy democracy and law and order. It shows the government used the press to limit demands for reform.
Source E A mass protest was held in the symbolically significant Tiananmen Square and the protestors were peaceful. The fact the protestors were able to demonstrate suggests a degree of political change. The image may suggest that the people hoped the government would listen to their demands.
Own knowledge
Some candidates may discuss the impact of Deng’s economic reforms leading to an increase in demands for greater political reforms.
“Political change” could include the fact that in 1978 there was a policy of sending students to study at foreign universities. There could also be reference to the rehabilitation of victims after the Cultural Revolution, the establishment of Democracy Wall in November 1978 and the Party leadership’s initial tolerance of this. In June 1981, the Party leadership re-evaluated the role of the CCP and criticized Mao, for example, Mao was “right 70 per cent of the time”. The Party introduced limited political reforms, there was some departure from the Maoist past (led by Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang) and limited terms of office were introduced. The Party initially tolerated the December 1986 to January 1987 student demonstrations and Zhao had favoured concessions to the demonstrators in May 1989.
“Limits of political change” could include Deng’s toleration of Democracy Wall only while it helped his own leadership struggle. There may also be further details regarding the Four Cardinal Principles. Deng cracked down after some posters criticized the communist system and demanded the “5th modernization. Dissidents were arrested in March 1979 and, in June 1981, the Party reasserted the importance of Mao Zedong thought. Hardliners in the Party cracked down on student demonstrations in January 1987. There may be more details on the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and events of 3–4 June 1989 when the PLA occupied central Beijing, opening fire on demonstrators.
Do not expect all the above and accept any other relevant material. If only source material or own knowledge is used, the maximum mark that can be obtained is [5]. For maximum [8] expect argument, synthesis of source material and own knowledge, as well as references to the sources used.
[8 marks]
